5/17/2010

[part 2] LANGUAGE AND GEOGRAPHY


(...part 2, by Dian P. Cahyaningsih)
CREOLE LANGUAGE
Pidgin language may develop into Creole language. Creole languages are pidgins that have acquired native speakers. As the result, the vocabulary will be expanded, the range of syntax possibility will be wider. It is used for all purposes in a full range of social situations. The examples of creoles, such as:
1. Tok Pisin
Tok pisin is a pidgin which has developed into creole language. It has official status in New Guinea and it is used on the radio, newspaper, and school there.
2.  Sranan                   
Sranan is spoken by several tens of thousands of native speakers in coastal areas of Surinam
3. Djuka                     
The development of Djuka, can be seen from the following diagram:


The development of Djuka


Related to variety of language, in a particular place, English is regarded as a world language that has high prestige. This issue can be seen in the Sierra Leone. In Free Twon, the capital, it is possible to distinguish between four different linguistic varieties which have some connection with English:
1.      British English
2.      Sierra Leone English (spoken mainly by middle-class Sierra Leonians and containing certain features due to the influence of African languages)
3.      West African Pidgin English (used as a lingua franca)
4.      Krio (English creole with about 30,000 native speakers living in and around Freetown. The language has probably developed from an English creole spoken by slaves returned from Jamaica and from Britain and is not directly connected with west African Pidgin)
The four versions of the same sentences which illustrate some of the similarities and differences involved:
         British English                                    /aɪm goʊɪŋ tə wɜ:k/
         Sierra Leone English                           /aɪm goin to wɔk/
         West African Pidgin                           /a di go wɔk/
         Krio                                                     /a de go wok/
The similarities between the four varieties lead to the conclusion on the part of most Sierra Leonians that the three lower prestige forms represent unsuccessful attempts to imitate the higher prestige British English.
LANGUAGE SPOKEN IN JAMAICA
In formerly British West Indies, the position is still similar, but the problems are more severe, as what can be seen in Jamaica. Some linguistics states that language spoken in Jamaica is Jamaican English, while the others prefer to give it the status of a separate language which is called Jamaican Creole.
In Jamaica, the Standard English is the official language and it is spoken by the people at the top of social scale, educated Jamaicans, and people of British origin. However, English-based Creole is only spoken by the people at the end of social class, especially in the case of peasants in isolated rural area.
Jamaican Creole is an English-lexified Creole language with West African influences which is spoken primarily in Jamaica and the Jamaican Diaspora. Different with Jamaicain English which is usually in the form of written, Jamaican Creole is generally found in spoken form. It is because, Jamaican Creole do not have standardized spelling, and has only recently been taught in some schools. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jamaican_English)
From www.wikipedia.com, there are 3 classifications of Jamaican Creole, they are:
  • Basilect
The least prestigious (most creole) variety
  • Acrolect
The standard (or high prestige) variety
  • Mesolects
In-between versions
The following are the examples of several types of Jamaican Creole
"im ah wok oba deh suh"              (basilect)
"im workin ova deh suh"               (low mesolect)
"(H)e (h)is workin' over dere"       (high mesolect)
"He is working over there"            (acrolect)

 A social dialects continuum ranging from Standard English to “deepest” Jamaican Creole. This means that all language varieties in Jamaica have become heteronomous with respect to Standard English. In fact, the social-dialect continuum itself may have arisen in the first place as a result of the influence of high-prestige English on low-status Creole (the stronger the influence, the more “decrelolization” will take place) can simply use political frontier to make a (linguistically arbitrary) decision as to which varieties were dialects of which language, in Jamaica no equivalent social frontier exist. As the consequence, most people consider the language of all Jamaicans is English.
However, several problems arise because of that. First of all, there is a very widespread view in Jamaica that the Jamaicans speak very interior types of English. Secondly, it means that the children are taught to read and write in Standard English. As the result of that, English is considered to be their language. because of many differences between English and many types of clear, it makes many of the children never succeed in learning to read ad write English with any degree of proficiency and the failure rate of Jamaican children taking British O-level and similar English examination is very high compared with their performance in other subject
Based on the problems mentioned previously, there is a solution which is offered fro a purely linguistic point of view. It is called as Norwegian type of approach. In Norwegian types of approach, a new standard Jamaican Creole (or English) could be developed that would reflect much more closely the nature of the language spoken by Jamaicans. However, there are still several obstacles appear when applying this solution. First, since English is considered as the statusful language which is also very useful as lingua France, many West Indian might feel insulted by suggestion that they do not speak English. It is because varieties near the (social) top of Jamaican dialect continuum are much more like English than Creole. The second reason is that because it is the characteristic of social attitudes to the language that they tend to be shared even by those who suffer from most from those attitudes.
According to Trudgill (1983: 188), considered from a more theoretical linguistic point of view, there are a number of similarities Creole languages share with one another regardless of geographical location. The following verb forms will show the illustration.
}  Jamaica Creole            : /wa de go hapm nou/             “What’s going to happen now?”
}  Sranan                         : /mi de kom/                           “I’m coming”
}  Gullah                         : /de njam forə/                   “They were eating fodder”
}  Krio                             : /a de go wok/                                    “I’m going to work”
The above sentences, all demonstrate what can be called progressive or continuous aspect. They concern not single short-lived action, but actions taking place over a relatively longer period time (be + verb-ing). The similarities than can be noticed from all of the Creole above such as:
1.      All these Creole are able to mark continuous aspect without marking tense
2.      All the creoles show continuous aspect, not by an inflection of the verb, but by particle
3.      The actual form of this particle is almost identical in each case: de, de, də, de
These similarities can also be seen in French-based Creoles which also have the same verb structure such as, pronoun + continuous-aspect particle + verb. It can be clearly seen in the examples below
}  Louisisana  FC : /mo ape travaj/                       “I am working”
}  Haitian FC       : /yo ape mãze/                         “they are eating”
}  Mauritius FC    : /kito ape fer/                           “what are you doing?”
From the sentences above, it can be seen the form of the particle is identical /ape/ (historically related to French après). French itself does not have the distinction between I ate it and I was eating it that English does.
Portuguese Creoles also have the same construction. It can be seen in St Thomas Portuguese Creole, as follows:
/e ka nda/                                             “He is going”
That sentence also has the verb structure: Pronoun + particle + verb
According to Trudgill (1983: 190), the reason of similarities (both structure and form) between these languages is that because of the joint creation of sailors, traders, and indigenous peoples in trading or other similar context. Besides, t is also true that pidgin grow up in the circumstances where the transmission of information is very difficult and where it may be very useful to make language as simple and efficient to be the instrument of communication as possible. Therefore, it is used the principles of simplification which includes the loss of redundant features and the omission of irregularities. One of the examples can be seen from the grammatical structure. In the formation of past tense in French Creole, adding particle “te” before the verb appears to be much easier than the corresponding French rule. The clear illustration can be seen in the examples below.
}  Louisiana Creole:        /mo te pe kupe/                                    ‘I was cutting’
}  Haitian Creole:            /yo te bwe/                                          ‘they drank’
Besides, the second solution can be used, namely relexification theory. This theory claims that first widespread European-based pidgin was Portuguese Pidgin (during 15th century) along the West African coast. Portuguese then spread it to their other trading posts and colonies in Africa and Asia (traders from other countries began to learn it). When French and English trades entered the trade, relexification of this Portuguese Pidgin took place. The grammar of the language remained the same, but the words were changed. Words derived from Portuguese were gradually replaced by words from English, French, or some other dominant European language. The evidence of this theory can be seen as follows:
1. Some Portuguese words still remain in many non-Portuguese Pidgins and Creoles
Examples:
} savvy  à from Portuguese sabe                                                  (he knows)
} piccaninny  à from Portuguese pequenino                                (little)
2. A large number of word found in Creole language can be traced back to West African Language
Examples:
/njam/ (eat) which is found in Jamaican Creole, Gullah and Sranan and others, probably derived from /njami/, which means ‘to eat’ in Fulani, a language spoken in today in Guinea, Gambia, Senegal ,and Mali
3. There are a number of grammatical similarities
Examples:
}  Louisisana  FC : /mo ape travaj/                       “I am working”
}  Haitian FC       : /yo ape mãze/                         “they are eating”
}  Mauritius FC    : /kito ape fer/                           “what are you doing?”
4. Many of the African West Languages, like the Creoles, indicate aspect and tense by means of preposed particle

Examples:
}  Louisiana France Creole:                      /mo to kupe/                ‘I (past) cut’
}  St Thomas Portuguese Creole:             /e ta nda/                     ‘he (past) go’
}  Yoruba:                                                 /mo ti wa/                    ‘I (past) come’


Conclusion:
1. The language geography is the branch of human geography that studies the geographic distribution of language or its constituent elements.
2. A language innovation is a new word, a new pronunciation, a new usage of a language that occurs at a particular place and can be spread from a particular place into other places that near to the previous place.
3. There are two factors of linguistic innovations diffusion: 1) Distance and 2) Barrier.
4. Linguistic areas refer to areas where several languages are spoken which have a number of features in common as the result of the diffusion of innovations across language boundaries, although they are not very closed related.
5. Lingua franca is a language used for communication between people whose first languages differ.
6. Pidgin language is a lingua franca which has no native speakers. It is derived from a ‘normal’ language through simplification, such as: most often reduction in vocabulary and grammar, and elimination of complexities and irregularities.
7. Creole languages are pidgins that have acquired native speakers.
8. There are two languages exist in Jamaica such as, Jamaican English and Jamaican Creole. The Jamaican Creole is classified into three, namely Basilect, Acrolect, and Mesolects, which differ in term of their prestige. Considered from a more theoretical linguistic point of view, there are a number of similarities Creole languages share with one another regardless of geographical location, whether they are in the form of structure and form. Therefore, to make language as simple and efficient to be the instrument of communication as possible it is used the principles of simplification and relexification.


References
Holmes, Janet. 1997. An Introduction to Sociolinguistic. United Kingdom: Longman group.
Trudgill, Peter. 1983. Sociolinguistics: An Introduction to Language and Society. Middlesex: Penguin Books.

[part 1] LANGUAGE AND GEOGRAPHY

(by: Dian P. Cahyaningsih)
INTRODUCTION
            There is a famous quotation states that the language used by the speaker could identify where the speaker comes from. Particular place has their particular dialect. The language use and dialect form a particular place should differ from the dialect at other places. But, when a linguistics innovation—a new word, a new pronunciation, a new usage—occurs at a particular place, it may subsequently spread to other areas, particularly those nearest to it, so long as no serious barriers to communication intervene. The social and linguistics reasons for this development of regional language differences are very complex.
            This paper was written to inform the reader about the main topic: ’language and geography’. The sub-topics of this main is about the language geography, the linguistic innovations, the barrier and the distance, lingua franca, and many other important examples related to language and geography.

LANGUAGE GEOGRAPHY
            As what is cited in www.wikipedia.com, the language geography is the branch of human geography that studies the geographic distribution of language or its constituent elements. Moreover, the site also mentions that there are two principal fields of study within the geography of language, they are:
1. The “geography of languages”, which deals with the distribution through history and space of languages. It gives insights about the background of the diffusion of a language.
2. The “linguistic geography”, which deals with regional linguistic variations within languages.
            One illustration of the variations of language which is influenced by the geographical condition happens in Britain in which the relationship between social dialects and geographical dialects such that regional linguistic differentiation is greatest at the level of varieties most unlike Standard English. The speakers in the areas of Britain who live in north of the river Humber still have a monophtong in words like house which is pronounced as [hu:s], and the speakers who live in south of the river Humber have a dipthong in word house which is pronounced as [haus].

LINGUISTIC INNOVATIONS
            A language innovation is a new word, a new pronunciation, a new usage of a language. According to Trudgill (1983:169), a linguistic innovation that occurs at a particular place can be spread from a particular place into other places that near to the previous place.
a. The linguistic innovations involve social and geographical pressure
The good example of linguistic innovation that involves social and geographical pressure is the loss of non-prevocalic /r/ in English. Harold Orton (in Trudgill, 1983:170) encounters the loss in English of non-prevocalic /r/ in words like: farm and yard. Orton shows the map of the areas in England where can be found the use of spelling without /r/ such as in the south-west, the north-west, and the north-east spreading up to the Scotland.
However, the diffusion of non-prevocalic /r/ in English based on Orton’s finding has faced the true-state of affairs, they are:
-          There are only two words which are confined in it. An examination of data for other words would reveal additional areas, such as east parts of Yorkshire, where non-prevocalic /r/ may be pronounced.
-          Socially, it is very incomplete because there is only elder speakers from the lowest social groups who are the ‘r-pronouncers’ in all along the eastern edge of the south-western area.
-          Orton’s map gives information only for rural linguistics varieties. For many urban areas, the impression given is very inaccurate since they may be entirely ‘r-less’ (e.g. in Liverpool).
b. The linguistic innovations in rural and urban areas
            The differences between rural and urban accents are also affected by the linguistic innovations. The linguistic innovations often spread from urban centre to another, and then later spread out into the surrounding countryside, although the urban centre is near to the countryside. For example, a language innovation from London will spread to urban Bristol before reach to rural Wiltshire although the rural Wilshire is nearer to London. It is due to general economic (the urban people are more in prosperity than the rural people), demographic (structure, size, community distribution, and the dynamic of society) and cultural dominance of town over country, and the structure of communication network (there are more complete communication devices in urban life).
Another example of the spread of linguistic innovation can be also seen from the speech of urban Manchester, in many ways more like to urban London than of nearby rural Cheshire as follow:



Words
London
Manchester
Hyde, Cheshire
‘brush’
[brΛs]
[brəs]
[brəis]
‘such’
[sΛc]
[səc]
[sIc]
‘tough’
[tΛf]
[təf]
[tɒf]
‘put’
[pƱt]
[pət]
[pər]
            (table 1.  The speech of urban Manchester, London, and rural Hyde, Cheshire)
From the table 1 above, such all London [Λ] and [Ʊ] vowels correspond to Manchester [ə] vowel. But, there is no such regular correspondence with rural Hyde and Cheshire forms.
c. Factors in Linguistic Innovations Diffusion
            There are two terms that influence the spreading of linguistic innovations, they are:
1. Distance
            According to www.wikipedia.com, distance is numerical description of how far apart objects are. It is an important factor in the diffusion of linguistic forms. The distance can be separated into two: the geographical distance and social distance. According to www.wikipedia.com, the geographical distance is the distance measured along the surface of the earth. For example, Singaraja is closer with Seririt rather than Gerokgak. It can be proved from the duration when someone travel (with constantly speed) from Singaraja to Seririt only takes 45 minutes, but if someone travel from Singaraja to Gerokgak it will take more than 60 minutes. The social distance describes the distance between different groups of society and includes all differences such as social class, race/ethnicity or sexuality (www.wikipedia.com). As what we can see from the example of urban London and Manchester above, those two towns may be socially ‘closer’ to each other rather than with the rural countryside, because London and Manchester have similarities as urban areas unlike other rural areas. 
2. Barrier
Language Barrier is a figurative phrase used primarily to indicate the difficulties faced when people, who have no language in common, attempt to communicate with each other (www.wikipedia.com). The barriers that influence the language use are social barrier and geographical barrier. The example of social barrier is that the social stratification in Bali influences the use of Basa Bali Alus Sor, Basa Alus Singgih, Basa Alus Madya, and Basa Kepara, which are spoken by the Balinese based on their caste. The example of geographical barrier is the speakers in the areas of Britain who live in north of the river Humber still have a monophtong in words like house which is pronounced as [hu:s], and the speakers who live in south of the river Humber have a dipthong in word house which is pronounced as [haus]. In this case, the river Humber has acted as geographical barrier of the language.
d. Linguistic innovations spread from one language into another.
            Linguistic innovations spread not only from one regional or social variety of the same language to another, they may also spread from one language into another. The example is the European uvular r. In 16th century, all European languages had an r-type sound which pronounced as r (the tongue-tip trill) that is still pronounced today in many types of Scots English or Italian. In 17th century, a new ‘r’ became popular in upper-class Parisian French. This new ‘r’ is pronounced in the back of the mouth by means of contact between the back of the tongue and the uvula. This type of ‘r’ is taught today to foreign learners of French and German. It is spread to the France through the urban or educated French speakers, and it reaches Germany through the educated Germans. It is also used by some of the Dutch speakers as well as the Danes together with a majority in the south of Sweden and parts of the south and west of Norway.

LINGUISTIC AREAS
            Linguistic areas refer to areas where several languages are spoken which have a number of features in common as the result of the diffusion of innovations across language boundaries, although they are not very closed related (Trudgill, 1983:173). The area in Europe that can be said as a linguistic area is the Balkans that consists of Yugoslavia, Albania, Greece, Bulgaria, and Rumania. The languages involved are Serbo-Coat, Macedonia, and Bulgarian (all Slav languages), Rumanian (a Romance language), Greek and Albanian. They are all Indo-European languages except the three Slav languages because they are not closely related genetically.
            Some interesting features in common of Balkan languages that create a linguistic area are:
1. The fact that four of the Balkan languages have the form of corresponding to the in English that is placed after the noun:
            Albanian          : mekaniku
Mean : “the mechanic”
            Bulgarian         : mexanikut
            Macedonian    : mexanicarot
            Rumanian        : mecanicianul
2. A particular usage of subordinate clause:
One example is the sentence in English: “They left without asking me”. In Albanian, Bulgarian, Greek, and Rumanian the sentence is corresponded into “They left without that they asked me”. The example of the sentence in Bulgarian and Greek:
“They left….”
Bulgarian         : “… bez da me popitat”
Greek              : “… xoris na me rotisune
                          “… without that me they asked”
LINGUA FRANCA
The use of English as a lingua franca brings us to a rather different aspect of the geographical spread of linguistic phenomena.  According to Holmes (1992), lingua franca is a language used for communication between people whose first languages differ. Lingua franca can be illustrated by the use of English when a Dutchman and a Swede want to talk to another. Here, English is used as a lingua franca in Europe. Another illustration can be seen from the use of Indonesian language as lingua franca by Balinese and Javanese when they talk to another.
When a language is used as lingua franca, it normally undergoes a certain amount of simplification and a reduction in (social) function, as well as being subject to the introduction of errors through interference from the native language of the speaker or through imperfect learning. The simplification and reduction in function of lingua franca may become larger if little or no formal schooling has taken place and if learning takes place only through intermittent and limited contact. The example of this point can be seen from the case of Swahili. On the coast of East Africa, Swahili is a native language of many populations who use it for all or most purpose and it is spoken very fluently. However, Swahili is used to a considerable extent as a lingua franca in the inland Tanzania. This inland lingua franca variety demonstrates some features of simplification, since it is spoken as a second language and there is a reduction in function, such as it is used in more restricted set of circumstances.  Further inland still, in eastern Zaire, another variety of Swahili is also used as a lingua franca. In this case, the simplification can be seen from the absence of irregular verbs, the reduction in the number of noun classes (genders), and the avoidance of certain complex syntactic structures. Both of these lingua franca varieties of Swahili, although modified, are clearly nevertheless to be counted as Swahili, therefore they are intelligible.
            However, in another part of Zaire, in the rural north, a further lingua franca form of Swahili occurs and it is simplified. The verb structures are radically simplified, there are no noun classes, and only a relatively limited number of sentence structure is employed. Here, the mutual intelligibility with coastal Swahili is minimal. Therefore, if native Swahili speakers want to employ it, they have to learn it. When simplification has taken place in this scale, and when the result is a relatively stabilized form of language consistently employed as a lingua franca, the resulting variety is called a pidgin language.

PIDGIN LANGUAGE
Pidgin language is a lingua franca which has no native speakers. It is derived from a ‘normal’ language through simplification, such as: most often reduction in vocabulary and grammar, and elimination of complexities and irregularities. The example of Pidgin language can be seen from the British Solomon Islands Pidgin or it is known as Neo-Solomonic.

Mifɛlə i-go go lɔŋ sɔlwater, lʊkautɪm fiŠ, nau wɪn i-kɔm. Nau mifɛlə i-go ɔləbaut lɔŋ kinu, nau bɪgfɛlə wɪn i-kəm nau mifɛlə i-fafasi ɔləbautə rɔŋ tuməs

We kept going on the sea, hunting for fish, and a wind arose. Now we were going in canoes, and an immense wind arose now and we were thrown around and were moving very fast.

The grammar and vocabulary of Neo-Solomonic, although similar to English in many ways, is nonetheless quite distinct. Neo-Solomonic has grammatical rules and words of its own. Many people have objected to pidgins on the grounds that they have corrupted the ‘purity’ of English (or some other European languages). Views like this are often accompanied by sentiments about racial and cultural purity as well. Actually, Pidgins are not haphazard mixtures, not bad or not corrupt forms of the language from which they are derived. 

(....CONTINUE TO PART 2)

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